Δευτέρα 5 Νοεμβρίου 2018

Zimna Wojna / Cold War


Χρήστος Μήτσης,  «Ψυχρός Πόλεμος», Αθηνόραμα, 25/10/2018.

Καλλιεπής και άκρως στιλιζαρισμένος, ο δημιουργός της «Ida» επαναλαμβάνει (θεματικά και σκηνοθετικά) με υπολογισμένη ακρίβεια τον εαυτό του και κερδίζει το βραβείο σκηνοθεσίας στο Φεστιβάλ Κανών. 

Δανειζόμενος τα ονόματα των γονιών του (Βίκτορ και Ζούλα) και αντλώντας έμπνευση από την ιστορία του θυελλώδους έρωτά τους, ο Πολωνός σκηνοθέτης Πάβελ Παβλικόφσκι επιχειρεί να αφηγηθεί ένα αξέχαστο, συγκινητικό love story με φόντο τη μεταπολεμική Ευρώπη. Η εκκίνησή του γίνεται σε μια πολωνική κωμόπολη του 1949, όπου ο Βίκτορ και η Ιρίνα, καλλιτεχνικοί επικεφαλής ενός χορωδιακού και χορευτικού συγκροτήματος, αναζητούν νέα ταλέντα. Το ρεπερτόριο περιλαμβάνει φολκλορικά και πατριωτικά τραγούδια, αλλά όταν η πανέμορφη και δυναμική Ζούλα ανεβαίνει στη σκηνή για να πει ένα απόσπασμα από ρωσικό μιούζικαλ, ο Βίκτορ συνειδητοποιεί πως μόλις ανακάλυψε μια σταρ, με την οποία γίνεται γρήγορα ζευγάρι.

Πιανίστας με λατρεία στην τζαζ, ο τελευταίος υποφέρει από τα στενά προπαγανδιστικά όρια μέσα στα οποία πρέπει να κινείται διαρκώς κι έτσι, όταν το γκρουπ ταξιδεύει στο Ανατολικό Βερολίνο, αποφασίζει να αυτομολήσει στη Δύση. Ζητά από τη Ζούλα να τον ακολουθήσει, εκείνη όμως αποφασίζει τελικά να επιστρέψει στη Βαρσοβία. Είναι ο πρώτος από μια σειρά χωρισμών (κι επανενώσεων) που θα επακολουθήσουν μέχρι τα μέσα της δεκαετίας του ’60, σε μια ρομαντικά ασπρόμαυρη παραλλαγή του τριφοϊκού «ούτε με σένα ούτε χωρίς εσένα» από τη «Γυναίκα της Διπλανής Πόρτας».

Επιστρέφοντας στην πατρίδα του ύστερα από μια βραβευμένη σκηνοθετική καριέρα στη Μεγάλη Βρετανία («Το Τελευταίο Καταφύγιο», «Το Καλοκαίρι του Έρωτά μου»), ο Πάβελ Παβλικόφσκι γύρισε μόλις το 2013 την πρώτη του πολωνική ταινία. Συνδυάζοντας την ιστορία μιας γυναίκας και μιας χώρας μέσα από γεωμετρικά, ακίνητα και ασπρόμαυρα κάδρα ονειρικού ρεαλισμού, η «Ida» εντυπωσίασε με το μοντέρνο στιλιζάρισμά της και του χάρισε δίκαια το ξενόγλωσσο Όσκαρ. 

Ο «Ψυχρός Πόλεμος» ακολουθεί πιστά την ίδια κινηματογραφική συνταγή, ραφινάροντας τη γεωμετρία και το βάθος πεδίου του πάντα ασπρόμαυρου κάδρου, φέρνοντας τη μελωδικότατη, πιασάρικη μουσική σε πρώτο πλάνο (από πολωνικά λαϊκά και γαλλικά ερωτικά τραγούδια μέχρι Γκλεν Γκουλντ και Γκέρσουιν), ανεβάζοντας τους πολιτικούς τόνους και γεμίζοντας με συναισθήματα πάθους, προδοσίας, λαγνείας, εγωισμού και λυτρωτικής παραφροσύνης την ερωτική ιστορία. 

Δεξιοτέχνης της αφήγησης, η οποία εδώ αφήνει συχνά πυκνά τον θεατή να γεμίσει τα χρονικά άλματα στα οποία επιδίδεται, ο Παβλικόφσκι γνωρίζει στην εντέλεια πόσο κοντά και ταυτόχρονα πόσο μακριά πρέπει να μείνει στη φόρμουλα της «Ida», την οποία εδώ σερβίρει πιο καλλωπισμένη και πιο «φιλική». Με ένα εξίσου ζυγισμένο ανάμεσα στη ηδονική νοσταλγία και τη γλυκόπικρη επίγευση σενάριο και μια διπλής ανάγνωσης συναρπαστική κεντρική ιστορία (ο Ψυχρός Πόλεμος δύο ερωτευμένων αλλά και αυτός Ανατολής και Δύσης), τα οποία του χάρισαν το βραβείο σκηνοθεσίας στο Φεστιβάλ Κανών – και ίσως ακόμη ένα Όσκαρ;

Πέμπτη 11 Οκτωβρίου 2018

Kostis Papagiorgis: Aleksandr Isayevich Solzhenitsyn


Κωστής Παπαγιώργης, «Αλεξάντρ Ισάγιεβιτς Σολζενίτσιν»,  LIFO - Κίνηση Ιδεών, 9/8/2018.


Όταν ένα καράβι έχει 99 τρύπες στο κύτος του, και από τις καλύτερες προθέσεις να διαπνέεται κανείς, είναι αδύνατο να τις φτιάξει όλες αμέσως». Ο άνθρωπος που μιλάει έχει γράψει, μεταξύ άλλων, το Αρχιπέλαγος Γκουλάγκ και Το μοσχάρι κουτούλησε στη βελανιδιά, το θέμα του είναι η σημερινή Ρωσία, και οι απαντήσεις του δίνονται στον Βιτάλι Τρετιακόφ (περ. Άρδην, τεύχος 61), διευθυντή της εφημερίδας «Τα Νέα της Μόσχας». Γόνος Κοζάκων διανοουμένων, μαθηματικός που σπούδασε τη λογοτεχνία δι’ αλληλογραφίας, ο Σολζενίτσιν συνελήφθη το 1945 επειδή σε μιαν επιστολή του κατέκρινε τον Στάλιν, έζησε σε στρατόπεδο καταναγκαστικής εργασίας και, όταν αποφυλακίστηκε, έγινε διάσημος δημοσιεύοντας στο Νόβυ Μιρ το Μια μέρα από το ζωή του Ιβάν Ντενίσοβιτς. Το ’70 τιμάται με το Νόμπελ, το ΄72 απελαύνεται από την ΕΣΣΔ και εγκαθίσταται στις ΗΠΑ, ενώ σήμερα ζει στη Ρωσία. Ποια Ρωσία; Με την κατάρρευση του ’90, η χώρα γνώρισε μια εποχή γενικού πλιάτσικου όπου ο κρατικός μηχανισμός εξαρθρώθηκε, η μαφία άπλωσε τα πλοκάμια της παντού και ο πληθυσμός έφτασε μέχρι σημείου να στερείται ακόμα και τις πατάτες. Αν μετράει η γνώμη του, ο Σολζενίτσιν το οφείλει στο γεγονός ότι δεν είναι πολιτικός, αλλά κρατάει το ρόλο ενός θεματοφύλακα της παράδοσης, κάτι σαν Ντοστογιέφσκι του 20ου και του 21ου αιώνα.

Το βαθύτερο ζήτημα είναι η σοβούσα φυσική παρακμή του ρώσικου λαού, που μοιάζει περιθωριοποιημένος, χωρίς διακριτή ιστορική ταυτότητα και χωρίς δυνατότητες να περιφρουρήσει το μέλλον του. Παρότι ανήκουν σε μια παγκόσμια δύναμη, όπως και οι Κινέζοι, οι Ρώσοι δε γνώρισαν ποτέ δημοκρατικό καθεστώς. Άρα δεν ξέρουν τι είναι τα Κόμματα, εκτός από τις άνωθεν «κατασκευασμένες» παρατάξεις του Κρεμλίνου. Ο Αλεξάντρ Ισάγιεβιτς είναι κατηγορηματικός επ’ αυτού: καταδικάζει την ιδέα του πολιτικού κόμματος ως μορφώματος «συλλογικού εγωισμού». Η ρωσική Δημοκρατία θα πρέπει να βασιστεί στις τοπικές συλλογικότητες, ως κίνημα εκ των κάτω. Εθισμένος στην υπακοή και τον τρόμο, ο Ρώσος αγνοεί την αντιπροσώπευση. Τα κόμματα άλλωστε έχουν πυραμιδική λογική· όσο μεγάλη και αν είναι η βάση της πυραμίδας, τελικά στην κορυφή μόνο ένα πουλάκι μπορεί να πατήσει. Θυμίζει τίποτα αυτή η εικόνα; Η σκέψη ότι, βήμα βήμα, περνώντας από το ένα επίπεδο στο άλλο μέσω εκλογών, μπορεί να εξυγιανθεί ο ρώσικος πολιτικός μηχανισμός, ουσιαστικά αντιγράφει τη δυτική λογική του φιλελευθερισμού. Η αντιπροσώπευση είναι σκληρό σύστημα: λύνει τα χέρια των αντιπροσώπων και κλειδώνει απέξω τους αντιπροσωπευόμενους. Διόλου τυχαίο ότι ο Σολζενίτσιν ασκεί κριτική στην ιδεολογία των «ανθρώπινων δικαιωμάτων» -στο μπαγιάτικο καρβέλι του φιλελευθερισμού-επικαλούμενος τις «ανθρώπινες υποχρεώσεις». Η βαθύτητα παντός δικαιώματος είναι -σε τελευταία ανάλυση και αναγωγή -ηθική. Ωστόσο η ηθική δεν θεσμοποιείται. Δεν μπορείς να θεσμοθετήσεις την καλοσύνη των πολιτών, το νόμο της καρδιάς, τον οίκτο και τη φιλοφροσύνη. Το μέσα ρώσικο μυαλό όμως μόνο έτσι μπορεί να συλλάβει την πολιτική. «Η αυταπάρνηση μπορεί να εγγυηθεί την ηθική επίλυση κάθε διαμάχης…»

Ακόμα και το ζήτημα του «ρώσικου εθνικισμού» και της ξενοφοβίας; Ειδικά η ξενοφοβία δεν αποτελεί ίδιο του Ρώσου. Άλλωστε, μια αυτοκρατορία που απαρτίζεται -και πιο σωστά απαρτιζόταν- από 120 εθνότητες δεν θα επιβίωνε αν κατατρυχόταν από παρόμοια κεντρομόλα σύνδρομα. Σε σχέση με τη Γερμανία, η οποία δεν ανέχθηκε τη Δημοκρατία της Βαϊμάρης, η Ρωσία δεν είχε καμιά περίοδο δημοκρατική. Οι Γερμανοί ασφυκτιούσαν μέσα στον εναγκαλισμό της Ευρώπης, ενώ οι Ρώσοι έζησαν -αρχικά- τη μακρά περίοδο του θεσμοθετημένου κομμουνισμού σαν «έξοδο» προς τα ευρωπαϊκά ιδεώδη. Βασική και έμμονη θέση του Λένιν ήταν η καταπίεση των Ρώσων προς όφελος των άλλων εθνοτήτων. Στην ίδια γραμμή κινήθηκε και ο Στάλιν. Στο τωρινό Σύνταγμα, τονίζει ο Σολζενίτσιν, η λέξη «Ρώσος» δεν απαντάται. Πως να εξηγηθεί ότι η ρώσικη γλώσσα ήταν μητρική για το 60% του ουκρανικού πληθυσμού και σήμερα εκδιώκεται βάναυσα, υφιστάμενη το νόμο του οστρακισμού; Η απόσυρση του στόλου της Μαύρης Θάλασσας από τη Σεβαστούπολη -που δεν εκχωρήθηκε στην Ουκρανία ούτε επί Χρουτσώφ- συνιστά τεράστια προσβολή για τη ρώσικη ιστορία του 19ου και του 20ου αιώνα. Πως μπορεί η Ρωσία να αποκοπεί από τον ρώσικο πληθυσμό της Ουκρανίας, που ανέρχεται σε πολλά εκατομμύρια ψυχές; Επόμενο είναι η περιβόητη «σύγκρουση των πολιτισμών» να ακούγεται στα αυτιά του παλαιού Ρώσου στρεβλά, υποκρύπτοντας μιαν άλλη, πιο ρεαλιστική σύγκρουση: ανάμεσα στον Τρίτο Κόσμο και το Χρυσό Δισεκατομμύριο. Το χάσμα μεταξύ πλούσιων και φτωχών είναι πιο έκδηλο. Αλλά το βαθύτερο ζήτημα είναι η σοβούσα φυσική παρακμή του ρώσικου λαού, που μοιάζει περιθωριοποιημένος, χωρίς διακριτή ιστορική ταυτότητα και χωρίς δυνατότητες να περιφρουρήσει το μέλλον του. Όταν ο Τρετιακόφ φέρνει τη συζήτηση στη σαφή ιστορική απειλή, ήτοι στη στρατηγική συμμαχία του βορειο-ατλαντικόυ πολιτισμού (Βορειοαμερικανική Ένωση, Δυτικοευρωπαική Ένωση και Ρωσοανατολική Ένωση), ο Σολζενίτσιν παραδέχεται ότι η χώρα του δεν δείχνει να έχει τα πολιτιστικά αποθέματα για να αντέξει. Φοβάται την κινέζικη επίδραση, τους αγγλο-αμερικανισμούς που παρεισφρέουν στη γλώσσα και, βέβαια, το πνεύμα της πανθρησκείας που κατά τα φαινόμενα θα επικρατήσει. Αν η Ρωσία προσχωρήσει στην ευρω-ατλαντικη συμμαχία θα οδηγηθεί στην παρακμή του χριστιανικού της πολιτισμού. Η αφανής αλλά δρώσα «λατινική γραμμή» ανάμεσα στα δυτικά και ανατολικά ευρωπαϊκά κράτη φαίνεται πως δεν αφήνει αλώβητη τη Ρωσία -το μεγαλύτερο διχοτομημένο έθνος στη σημερινή Ευρώπη.


Πηγή: www.lifo.gr

Δευτέρα 27 Αυγούστου 2018

Doina Bumbea


Guido Olimpio,  “Rapita dalla Nord Corea, diventa spia del regime: la storia di Doina Bumbea”, Corriere della sera 6/8/2017.

La ragazza romena, vissuta per anni in Italia e morta a metà degli anni ‘90, è una delle centinaia di donne straniere sequestrate da Pyongyang e costrette a collaborare. Come quelle coinvolte nell’assassinio di Kim Jong Nam, fratellastro del leader nordcoreano

WASHINGTON – L’agguato contro Kim Jong nam, il fratellastro del leader nord coreano eliminato con una sostanza tossica a Kuala Lumpur, è un “pezzo” di guerra di spie. Ancora da decifrare nella sua interezza, ma che sembra confermare la tradizione degli 007 di Pyongyang. Pazienti quanto tenaci, con piani a lungo termine. Mosse che ritroviamo in un’altra storia del passato, con una donna nel ruolo di vittima: Doina Bumbea, vissuta in Italia, deceduta a metà degli anni ’90 in Corea del Nord dopo una vita di svolte, cadute, speranze. Vicenda purtroppo comune a quella di centinaia di straniere inghiottite dal regime di ferro. Quanto segue è stato ricostruito da una nostra inchiesta e dal lavoro, svolto nel periodo 2006-2007, da Claudia Tripiciano con due media giapponesi, Fuji Tv e Tv Asahi.

Incontri (e viaggi) misteriosi, poi la scomparsa
Doina nasce in Romania, il padre ufficiale, la mamma casalinga. E’ una bella ragazza, le piace l’arte, sogna chissà quale futuro. Invece le cose si non mettono per il verso giusto o comunque la sua strada non è facile. Conosce un italiano di Bologna, Gilberto B., lo segue nel nostro paese e dopo qualche tempo si sposano. La relazione non dura, divorziano. La ragazza si trasferisce a Roma in cerca di opportunità, lavoro e successo. Frequenta la scuola di Belle Arti ed entra in un’associazione fondata e guidata Sergio F., campione sportivo con la passione per la pittura. Facile per Doina trovare punti in comune, così come scoprire nuove amicizie. Nella capitale incontra, nel 1977, un ingegnere – ne omettiamo l’identità -, con la quale passa molto tempo libero e trascorre vacanze in luoghi rinomati, una relazione tra alti e bassi. Arduo definirla dopo tanti anni, le descrizioni di chi sa non sono probanti. Anche perché la romena in apparenza trova un nuovo compagno, un dj americano che lavora in discoteche famose, dal Maìs al prestigioso Jackie’O. Doina non rinuncia a nulla, assorbe che tutto ciò che passa, non ha o non vuole avere stabilità. Lascia lo statunitense per unirsi a Rodolfo F., altro “animale notturno”, con lunghe serate nei night. Dettagli sfocati, accompagnati da voci incontrollabili. Attorno al Natale del ’78, l’ingegnere riceve una telefonata da Doina, si scambiano gli auguri. Sembra una traccia certa insieme a quella – meno definita – di un viaggio imminente che la donna deve fare. Alla famiglia comunica che andrà in Oriente, a Tokio, perché un italiano – il misterioso Rodolfo? – le ha proposto di partecipare ad una mostra di pittura. Il dato “Giappone” è confermato anche da Sergio, il campione-pittore: sì, mi ha chiamato da Tokio per dirmi che la città era molto interessante e che tutto andava per il meglio. Poi, nelle settimane a seguire, una notizia drammatica. Entrambe le fonti, con qualche discrepanza, sostengono che qualcuno ha comunicato loro l’improvviso decesso della romena. “Ha avuto un terribile incidente stradale, è stata decapitata nello schianto della vettura”, è la tesi. Le indagini dei media nipponici si arenano perché gli “informati” prendono tempo, sono vaghi o pongono condizioni inaccettabili. Ma davvero l’esistenza della giovane romena è stata spazzata via da un incidente? Ed è esistito l’ambiguo Rodolfo, definito da qualcuno “confidente” della polizia? O si tratta di una figura estranea? Oppure è un depistaggio? Più solida - anche probabilmente “aggiustata” - una seconda testimonianza, emersa solo in seguito.

Il disertore americano, un marito «forzato»
Charles Jenkins è un militare americano che è scappato insieme ad altri commilitoni in Corea del Nord. Un transfuga, un disertore. In un libro di memorie rivela di aver incontrato Doina nel 1981 e fornisce dettagli sulla sua vita, alcuni dei quali combaciano con quanto abbiamo scritto, altri paiono versioni di comodo per nascondere verità. Charles aggiunge un’indicazione sul misterioso mister X. La donna ha conosciuto un mercante d’arte – scrive – che le propone una sorta di tournee in Asia. Solo che Doina non ha un passaporto valido e lui le fornisce un documento nord coreano. La loro meta è Hong Kong, ma per arrivarci transitano con un giro tortuoso (e strano) prima da Mosca e poi da Pyongyang. E’ qui che la polizia ferma la romena perché il suo passaporto – le dicono – è falso. Finisce in prigione per spionaggio ed ha solo un modo per redimersi: cooperare. Doina diventa la moglie di un altro soldato statunitense, Joseph Dresnok, scappato nel 1962. Il suo “lavoro” è simile a quello di decine di ragazze sequestrate dai nord coreani, specie nel Sud e in Giappone. Non mancano però “prede” catturate in Medio Oriente e in Europa, tra queste l’ipotesi che vi siano delle italiane e delle olandesi. Una libanese svelerà un particolare. Dopo essere stata un’ospite forzata della Corea del Nord, senza alcuna possibilità di lasciare il paese, le permettono di fare alcuni viaggi – vegliata da 007 – che ha sempre una sola meta: Milano. Una scelta che potrebbe far pensare ad una base sicura nel nord della penisola. Comunque tutto parte di un “meccanismo” che funziona da anni. Il regime utilizza spesso le rapite per addestrare i propri agenti a “usi e costumi” dei rispettivi paesi. Alla romena tocca il ruolo di moglie, lo interpreta fino in fondo. Con Dresnok ha due figli, Ted e James Gabriel. Un rapporto che dura finché la morte non li separerà. Un cancro porta via Doina nel gennaio 1997, all’età di 47 anni. Il marito spirerà nel 2016. L’odissea della pittrice emerge grazie ad un documentario della Bbc dedicato ai disertori americani dove compare Dresnok. Tracciando il suo profilo parla di una moglie dell’Est e di un figlio di nome Gabriel. I familiari di Doina lo vedono e sospettano di aver finalmente trovato la chiave del mistero. Hanno ragione. I fatti successivi confermano tutto. Nel maggio 2016 il “romanzo” si arricchisce di un altro capitolo. Ted e James Gabriel Dresnok rilasciano un’intervista dove difendono la scelta del padre – “ha fatto la cosa giusta” -, invitano gli Usa a cambiare politica verso la Corea del Nord, spiegano come siano riusciti a trovare la loro strada nonostante le origini. Ostentano fierezza e patriottismo. Uno è funzionario del partito, l’altro ufficiale dell’esercito. Due stelle della propaganda di Kim create con una pratica brutale.

Le coincidenze
Ora torniamo all’uccisione di Kim Jong nam. Le ragazze coinvolte nel delitto hanno sostenuto di essere state reclutate dai nord coreani con la promessa di viaggi e una nuova vita nello spettacolo. Erano convinte – è la loro tesi – di partecipare ad uno show tipo Scherzi a parte. Schema e metodi che ricordano la trappola tesa a Doina, attirata in Oriente con la scusa di una mostra e mai più tornata.

Παρασκευή 10 Αυγούστου 2018

Dimitar Dimov: The Bulgarian Novelist Who Challenged Communist Dogma


Kremena Krumova, “The Bulgarian Novelist Who Challenged Communist Dogma”, Epoch Times, December 12, 2017

For three consecutive days, author Dimitar Dimov was forced to sit and listen to the speeches of 23 of the most respectable critics in Bulgaria, subjecting his newly published novel to destructive, Stalinist-style criticism. Never in the history of Bulgarian literature had an author faced such a panel and then been forced to rework his novel.
The novel “Tyutyun” (“Tobacco” in Bulgarian) was published at the end of 1951 and became an instant hit in the small Eastern European country, though the critics giving speeches labeled it a failure.
After acknowledging his talent as a writer, only a couple of the critics had anything favorable to say about the novel. The others accused Dimov of being influenced by cosmopolitanism, eroticism, and decadent traits of Western literature, instead of embracing socialist realism, the sole acceptable genre at the time. They recommended that the book be modeled after Soviet writers like Valentin Kataev or Alexander Fadeyev; the latter championed Joseph Stalin, calling him “the greatest humanist the world has ever known,” according to “Subsidizing Culture” by James T. Bennett.
“Such interference equaled a literary murder … as idea and message,” said Milena Katosheva, curator of the Dimitar Dimov House Museum, which is affiliated with the National Museum of Bulgarian Literature in the capital of Sofia. “It killed the creative drive of the author, took away his freedom of expression, his freedom of thought. After this, he no longer took up the epic task of depicting the state of Bulgarian society.”
The ‘Tyutyun’ Case: “Tyutyun” tells the story of a big tobacco processing factory in the 1930s and 1940s and the collision of the two major classes: the capitalists (or bourgeoisie, as Marxists put it) on one side and the communists on the other.
But instead of glorifying the workers who were devoted to communist ideas and vilifying the supposedly exploitative capitalists, Dimov focused on the inner worlds of the characters, revealing their emotions, passions, and desires. He created deep, vivid, and realistic characters, who were strongly attracted to each other, ignoring the fact that they belonged to different classes—an unacceptable theme for the communist agenda at the time.
After Sept. 9, 1944, when Bulgaria exited World War II and the communists took power, literature became the regime’s absolute servant. Anything that did not contribute to socialist development was targeted for elimination.
The purpose was to clean out all bourgeois elements and affirm the socialist norm. Writers were excluded from the Association of Bulgarian Writers, lists of forbidden literature were announced, and total censorship of publishing and media, in general, was imposed.
Socialist realism limited writers to the topics of socialist people, their heroism, the socialist party, historical optimism, and socialist humanism,  Katosheva said. All literary works had to describe their characters as belonging to a social class, and only those who embraced communism could be depicted positively, for they were the heroes of the new era.
Subtle but Bold Defiance: Still, Dimov defied the stiff communist dogma. To defend his novel, he wrote a 32-page statement in which he humbly, respectfully, and methodically, refuted all accusations.
What’s more, he questioned his critics and offered a freer, reformist vision of socialist realism: “Why should I–who has gathered materials, thought of the plot and the characters from all possible angles, … , spent sleepless nights and typed on the machine when others were resting–be necessarily wrong regarding some character or a situation, which critic X or writer Y cannot apprehend?
“Why should I–who has fought for months with my characters–understand my characters less, while critic X or Y understand them better under the pretext that I am subjective, and they are objective?
“If I have demonstrated in ‘Tyutyun’ that I have grasped the historical development of the events, that I am loyal to our people and that I serve its socialist ideals, then I have the freedom to follow my way, my personal initiative and inclinations.”
Even though Dimov managed to subtly confront the critics in an elegant way, he still had to rework his novel.
“I had no way of not obeying,” Dimov confessed to his second wife, Lena Levcheva, according to the Bulgarian weekly 168 Chasa (168 Hours).
“I did it to save the sole thing I have–writing.”
 “I cannot forget the pain with which he said these words,” confessed Levcheva, in turn. “It was like a Biblical story. Dimov himself mounted on the crucifix, so that his child, ‘Tyutyun,’ could live. Its killing was otherwise imminent. The victory didn’t bring him satisfaction. On the contrary: It doomed him to a double-faced life.”
“Comparing his statements with those by the critics, you can see the huge gap between him and them intellectually and morally,” his daughter, playwright Teodora Dimova, said in an interview with Faktor.bg. “He kept his presence of mind, even though this novel cost him his life. In the consequent 15 years, he wrote only three plays although he was in his prime for a writer. He died at 56 years old from a sudden, massive, unsalvageable stroke.”
Paralyzing Terror:  Dimov had two strikes against him. First, he was born into a bourgeois family connected to the czar: Both his biological father and his mother’s second husband were officers for the czar. Secondly, he was an intellectual. He specialized in histology and became a professor in the anatomy, embryology, and histology of vertebrates.
After 1944 when people from the previous elite society, including intellectuals, disappeared without a trace, the climate for these people was nerve-wracking. Already a bit hesitant, and a nervous person, Dimov was totally unprepared to face the fierce and combative atmosphere of the early Stalinist era.
“In the literary life of the 1950s, resisting the party was unthinkable,” said Plamen Dojnov, associate professor and chair of the department of New Bulgarian Studies at New Bulgarian University, and one of the most prominent researchers on the “Tyutyun” case.
“It was more about in-fighting in the literary field, where each was trying to win the party as his ally,” he said.
If Dimov had rejected the recommendation to rework “Tyutyun,” it would have brought him a lot of trouble, isolation, or cost his life.
“The waves of terror and fear between 1944 and 1950 were so shocking that the free will of the writers was simply paralyzed, and hardly anyone was capable of making a calm and rational deliberation before expressing any kind of disagreement,” he said.
The Communist Overseer:  Unlike similar cases in the Soviet Union, where Stalin was informed about “problematic” literature and casually intervened, with “Tyutyun,” the incumbent state and party leader Valko Chervenkov closely followed Dimov’s work on the book, right up until its second edition was published in 1954.
“What was unique in the Bulgarian case was the central role of Chervenkov, who was the main ‘constructor’ [overseer] of the book as well as of the scandal it provoked,” Dojnov noted.
Chervenkov supported “Tyutyun” under certain conditions. He wrote a personal letter to Dimov, congratulating him on the novel and calling it a “great joy for our literature,” but still insisted on his reworking it.
In another letter from 1952, addressed to Christo Radevski, the chair of the Association of Bulgarian Writers, Chervenkov writes: “I don’t know what comrade Dimov is doing–is he reworking ‘Tyutyun’? I would like someone to give him the message that he would do best if he reworks the novel, taking into consideration everything precious included in the statements–oral and written–connected to the discussions and review of the novel. I think that comrade Dimov will do very right if he publishes the second reworked edition of the book not only in Bulgarian, but also the translations in other languages to be based on this second reworked edition.”
“Chervenkov ‘saved’ Dimov, but also sacrificed the first, reformist version of the novel,” Dojnov said. “He played the ‘producer and guarantor’ roles in the reworking, taking the book back to where it was trying to escape from, thus depriving it of its identity.”
After the three-day criticism session, an unsigned article appeared in the communist mouthpiece newspaper Rabotnichesko Delo [Workers’ Deed] called “On the Novel ‘Tyutyun’ and Its Unfortunate Critics.” Later, it became clear that the initiator and final editor of the article was Chervenkov himself. A month later, the fiercest critics of “Tyutyun” were expelled from their leadership positions.
“Chervenkov wanted to affirm his authority as the ultimate judge on all issues related to culture,” Dojnov explained. “In this case, he logically took the side of the Association of Bulgarian Writers, to give a lesson to the presumptuous critics’ circle which was losing its previous privileged position.
“The top communist leader wanted to show that the mandate to manage literature was given to the Association by him, and nobody should ever think of ignoring this authority,” Dojnov said.
Left without a choice, Dimov added 250 pages to the original book, inventing new communist characters and new scenes showing the heroism and sacrifice of communist fighters.
The second, reworked, “Tyutyun” was published in early 1954, after the explicit approval of critics, who were part of the Association of Bulgarian Writers and were assigned and guided personally by Valko Chervenkov.
In 1955, a third edition of the novel appeared, with minor corrections made by Dimov. The critics remained silent. In 1962, the novel was made into a film by the prominent director Nikola Korabov.
The original version of the novel reappeared in 1992, three years after the fall of communism in Bulgaria, which took place on Nov. 10, 1989 (a day after the fall of the Berlin Wall). Today, “Tyutyun” is one of the most beloved Bulgarian novels, and it’s been translated into more than 30 languages.