Dinu Gherman, “The Avowal and Testimony of Fear in the Romanian
Concentration System (1948-1965): Notes on Detention Memoirs”, Caietele Echinox, vol. 15, 2008, pp. 126-132.
Detention memoirs enjoyed a
remarkable currency after 1989, amongst scholars working both in the social and
the literary sciences (narratology, linguistics, semiotics, etc.)1, forming the
object of enquiry of various interdisciplinary approaches. Most of the times,
preoccupation for this kind of memoirs took the shape of an interest which the
public sphere manifested for the theme of communism and its adjacent aspects –
lustration, bringing torturers before justice (for the pain and fear they had
inflicted), etc., facilitated the public manifestation of the Romanian Gulag
memory, mostly subsequent to the Romanian Democratic Convention’s takeover of
political power in 1996.
If up to this date the
testimonies of political prisoners regarding repression in communist Romania
(around 75 works), “exiled” to the outskirts of public sphere by the political
heirs of the communist regime, have been published restrictively and the
journalistic or cultural interest has taken the shape of simple editorial
advertising, in the second half of the 90’s the writing and publishing of the
autobiographies of former political prisoners produced a feverish public
reception (although one can count only around 50 works)2. Also, the collective
memory began to be recuperated by oral historians who started to interview the
survivors of the communist repression, and by public associations which
organized commemorative meetings, such as those celebrating the anticommunist
revolt of the citizens of Braşov in 1987, meetings in which the political power
publicly participated at the highest level in 1998 or 2008.
The drama of the victims of
communism provides answers to both the researcher and the society in general,
as regards the repercussions that the repression had upon human behaviour and
attitudes or upon the development of society after 1989. Fear, one of the most
important human feelings, was being used by the repressive apparatus to impose
certain mental patterns of reception and signification of reality with a view
to obtaining, at a behavioural level, obedience and docility towards the
regime. Manifested in the early days of the communist regime as physical
violence, after the amnestying of the political prisoners in 1964, fear was
insidiously redirected towards the collective psyche. By means of a long
process of contagion operated with the help of the vehicle of representations,
the regime managed to develop fear configurative patterns at the level of depth
structures of the mind and of collective behaviours.
As Sanda Cordoş notices, the
horizon of expectations of today’s reader (by extrapolation, of the individual)
no longer corresponds, from a social point of view, to the communist period;
thus, the political identity of individuals from the communist epoch no longer
presents any interest, but the detention memoirs remain important from a psychological
or existential angle.
“Guilt, forgiveness, death,
the father-son relationship, the human condition within an absurd universe are
always current issues for the human being and, by representing perennial themes
of literature, they can create and create new horizons of expectations for the
new generation of readers”3.
The autobiographical
perspective of the former political prisoners combines objective and subjective
valences: here reside two implicit types of value (documentary/objective and
subjective), which are retrievable through interdisciplinary approaches. Beyond
the diversity of the authors’ manner of avowal and style, a line of objectivity
of the suffering can be identified within the testimonies of detention, one
which traces invariably the frames of repression. The writing of the
concentration area in itself brings about, by testimony, a cathartic exit from
the physical and psychological space for the victims of fear4. Even the textual
unfolding of the memory of the survivors of a “limit-event”5, such as the Gulag
and Holocaust, proves “a combination of certification and [moral] protest”6.
The testimony of Primo Levi about the Holocaust shares this “joint status”, but
this can be extended globally to the testimonies of Gulag or Holocaust
survivors. In the Newsweek issue of January 16th 1995, the Austrian philosopher
of Jewish origins, Jean Amery, noted in his discussion about the tragic
suicidal of Primo Levi: “anyone who has been tortured, remains tortured”7. The
“remains tortured” concept identifies the violence of fear inoculation
experienced prevalently in detention, but also after the act of testimony on
the limit experience, which, in Primo Levi`s case, brought about the extreme
suicidal act as a means of absolute liberation from the frames of suffering.
The victims found themselves perpetually caught between two testimonies and two
avowals profoundly connected to fear and suffering – we understand testimony as
a finite product, as a document/proof, and avowal as a process which brings
about a testimony, either by force or voluntarily. The first testimony took
place in the interrogation rooms of the Securitate, where the repressive
authorities obtained the required statement to secure a political sentence, and
which resulted in an “avowal” process of torture. Sanda Golopenţia considers
this type of testimony to be a “painfully negotiated” text8, designating the
“labour” of elaborating certain interrogation reports or autobiographical
statements, primarily generated by fear during the confrontation between the
interrogator and the convict. The second testimony occurs within the frame of a
certain existential undo assumed in time by the victim, by which one attempts
to remake the ontological order shattered by the confession fabricated during
the Securitate’s inquiry; this type of testimony is seen as a testament left to
posterity and as evidence in a possible trial of communism. Gheorghe Andreica
writes to an ex-colleague of suffering:
“There was nothing for us in
the world of the twentieth century. But if fate made us go through this century
of knavishness and suffer the consequences, our duty is to leave our followers
everything we have lived and endured”9.
The testimonial process no
longer takes place by force, by fear, as the former one; instead, it is made
out of one’s free will, within the literary register, within an “avowal to
chill”10. If the testimony snatched by torturers was meant to get rid of the victim,
the autobiographical testimony is meant – socially and symbolically – to save
the victim.
The documentary character and
the subjective component become complementary within the text and are vital to
the history of mentalities in that they can help reconstitute the mental frame
of repression. The objective testimony on fear and suffering is achieved by
subjective, textual filters of the avowal. Fear may be detected at the level of
representation, of images which the subject of avowal contributes to the common
biography of suffering, images which render within the text mental and
affective traces of the perception of this emotion during political detention.
The scenes of horror are exclusively “replayed” in the planning of discourse,
of literary representations of the past, from the traumatic to the symbolic
scene11. Thus, the moment of avowal brings the perception of fear, which was
reified under detention, towards a cure within the theatre of representation.
As regards the registry of theatre, Chartier remarks on a certain “perversion
of the representation relationship”, in the sense that representation masks
rather than designate its referent in an adequate way12; however,
representation takes place within a process of mnemonic labour, as a result of the
transactions between the free present and the terrifying past, which is
recollected by the “instrumental memory”13.
This process of memory
recovery renders a posteriori the collective fear assimilated as perception or
representation during the communist regime. It unfolds through the inextricable
filters of meta-representations and seeks healing by witnessing what is
revealed within the mental frames of some as yet uncured fears. To complicate
matters further, the representations formed within the processes of
signification during communism are themselves the result of mental structures
profoundly altered by a deep-seated, institutionalized fear, which doubly
perverts the representation relationship, if we are to credit Chartier. Even if
representation and meta-representation cannot manage an “absolute” concordance
with the reality of the historical past (which, by the way, is not their
intention), this point is hardly relevant for our discussion. What is important
for our research is the manner in which the activity of representation is
achieved and the way in which fear, understood both as a feeling induced at a
physical and psychological level and as an identity created by the communist
regime, is remembered by the collective memory.
Ion Ioanid presents fear as
similar to a travel companion in his journeys through the Gulag, as he sets off
“into the unknown, side by side with fear”14. Ioanid projects the reified space
of fear as a convivial setting: fear is neither rejected nor approved – the
inmate learns to live with his unwanted companion, so that the latter
interferes as little as possible with his actions. We take part in a
“programmatic” fragile banishment of fear from its omnipotent physical setting,
into a minimal space of representation, where its projection maintains its
veracious identity, but is deprived of the unidirectional monopoly of the
pedagogical attribute with which the penal power has invested it. The convict
assumes a more distant position, quasi-self-dictated in relation to suffering,
a decisive fact in the unfurling of the habituating process of fear.
“I started to teach myself,
not to master my fear or remove it, but to get used to living with it. In the
coming years, many were the times I wanted to be put into the situation of undertaking
something risky and, every time I decided to act, I was afraid, but I did it. I
never gave up, due to fear [our emphases]”15.
If the event is known by
historians in a direct way, with the aid of archival documentation and, thus,
by the means of language, the knowledge of the mental frame of fear and
suffering during the times of political detention can be reconstituted at the
level of discourse on suffering. In the essay Le monde comme représentation,
Roger Chartier elaborates some new instruments of research into the history of
mentalities (or representations16),
“empruntés aux disciplines
voisines: ainsi les techniques de l’analyse linguistique et semantique, les
outils statistiques de la sociologie ou certains modèles de l`anthropologie”17.
At the level of discourse, any
analysis of the narrative structures applied to detention literature can detect
the presence of fear, or, more likely, of its representations. Fear becomes the
driving force of the narration, skilfully albeit discreetly inculcated for the
larger part; in some of the cases, however, the sentiment is exposed unhindered
as an auctorial hypostasis, and is subdued to an intra-textual hermeneutics18.
How it manifested itself, how it was perceived, and how it sank into collective
memory, we learn from the avowal – the second central term in our argument –
that the victims make concerning suffering. If testimony grants documentary
value to the detention text, avowal brings forward the subjective value of the
individual traumatic experience. The degree of the text’s transparency as to
the amount of suffering during detention (here hermeneutics meets the necessity
of establishing a new interpretation pattern – from the perspective of fear –
according to the degree of avowal), the way in which this is rendered at a
textual level, through semantic indices, the imprecision of the narration, the
usage of the third person19 or the condensed and abrupt rhythm of the narrative
thread20 form the ingredients of the emotional load constitutive of the fear-pain
tandem within the labour of avowal.
Another practice quite common
within the detention memoirs is that of changing the name of prisoners – of the
author himself and of others – or of close friends from outside the
concentration area, to protect their privacy. It is not fear itself that is
perceived mentally outside the concentration area, but the metamorphosis of it
at an individual and collective level of representation.
“What constitutes ‘punishment’
at the level of punitive action is not the sensation of suffering, but the idea
of pain, of unpleasantness, of inconvenience – ‘punishment’ of the idea of
‘punishment’. Hereby punishment doesn’t act upon the body, but upon
representation. Or, if it acts upon the body, this is insofar as the body is
not the subject of the actual suffering, but the object of a representation of
it: the recall of pain may hinder the relapse (…)”21.
The representation thus
produces a multi-regular and irregular identity of fear, with a striking
capacity of generation at the mental level; it is terribly contagious,
especially as it accesses not only the human psyche but also the affect and the
instincts. Communism did not manage to destroy the bodies of political
prisoners and annihilate them entirely as individuals; rather, it managed to
create a representation of an all-encompassing sentiment of fear pervading
society.
Thus, suffering and fear are
given the “value” of self-authentication, an authentication produced at the
level of a plurality of individual minds, by the means of contagiousness
spreading from within the concentration area, as an epicentre of terror,
towards the “free” zones (it is not the emotion itself which is fostered, but
its representation, an image and a crescendo of images). For the population
situated within the “free” area, one of the semio-techniques pointed out by
Michel Foucault, operated by the punitive power and hermeneutically applicable
to the communist regime, is the rule of lateral effects, which reveals about
political prisoners that
“for those who see them or who
can represent those slaves, the pains that they endure are focused in a single
idea; all seconds of slavery gathered within a representation which thus
becomes more frightening than the prospect of death”22.
The language will contribute
to fostering the representation of fear, mostly within smaller communities,
among friends or family; the stories and images of terror and the act of
narration constitute a panoply useful both for the oppressors – as a mode of
articulating the contagion – and for the oppressed – as an articulation of the
limited symbolic expurgation of the emotional load. The inter-subjectively
experienced social world, by the credit given to the other’s word (a fact which
lies at the heart of the testimony), is unsettled by the totalitarian attack
upon the “common sense”; this is “powerfully affected when some corrupt
political institutions found a climate of mutual surveillance, of denunciation,
where the knavish practices undermine the basis of language trust”23.
Aniţa Nandriş-Cudla narrates
about the state of fear insinuated among the inhabitants of Bukovina during the
time of war and Stalin’s regime. The two acts of violence – the atrocities of
the war and the political violence of Stalinism – are compared within Aniţa
Nandriş’s narrative, very likely on the grounds of the large number of human
victims incurred by these two types of massacre. The Bukovinian woman peasant
records the unleashing of arbitrariness and of uncertainty (“we’ve been very
hard pressed”), the impossibility of fulfilling basic biological needs, the
fear of denouncement and the prospect of an unexpected confrontation with the
regime (“they came unexpectedly and took him away”). The verbal locution “to
fear his own shadow”, a characterologic idiom which refers to personal physical
and psychological features, within a normal social setting (the attribute of
being scared, as a character feature), is metonymically extended upon the
entire community, which is affected by fear beyond reason (“the world was so
full of fear that it feared its own shadow”)24.
The arbitrariness of reality
finds its quasi-perfect articulation in the arbitrariness of representation.
Fear reconfigures with a veracious skill the collective psyche and establishes
the way and the patterns through which people invest reality with meaning.
Detention literature composes a terrifying testimony of fear experienced within
the concentration system and, at the same time, overtakes the plurality of the
avowing voices, articulated in the discourse
As Stephen King remarks, the
excellence of L. Ron Hubbard’s book, Fear, is due to the fact that it makes
your blood freeze in your veins, as it is “an excellent story of a frightening,
unimaginable and all-penetrating horror”25. The experience of detention memoirs
could be situated in the vicinity of the horror or thriller genres, with the
marked difference that, whereas in a horror novel, the effect of the real
originates in imagination, in the detention memoirs it stems from first-hand
lived experiences, from actual life stories.
Δεν υπάρχουν σχόλια:
Δημοσίευση σχολίου