Δευτέρα, 23 Φεβρουαρίου 2015

Ενώνεται το «μεγαλύτερο παζλ του κόσμου»: τα αρχεία της Στάζι


Ενώνεται το «μεγαλύτερο παζλ του κόσμου»: τα αρχεία της Στάζι

Κάποια από αυτά έχουν μέγεθος ίσο με αυτό ενός ανθρώπινου νυχιού.

Ένα ειδικό πρόγραμμα σε ηλεκτρονικό υπολογιστή συναρμολογεί πυρετωδώς αυτή την περίοδο κομμάτι κομμάτι στο Βερολίνο το μεγαλύτερο παζλ του κόσμου: τα σκισμένα αρχεία της Στάζι, δηλαδή 600 εκατ. μικρά χαρτιά, κάποια από αυτά στο μέγεθος ενός ανθρώπινου νυχιού!

Το Ινστιτούτο Τεχνολογίας Φραουνχόφερ του Βερολίνου έχει θέσει στην υπηρεσία των γερμανικών αρχών το «E-Puzzler», ένα ειδικό πρόγραμμα που χειρίζεται κάθε κομμάτι χαρτιού σαν να ήταν μέρος ενός τεράστιου παζλ.

 

Τα 600 εκατομμύρια ίχνη χαρτιού ή αλλιώς 45 εκατομμύρια έγγραφα, σκίστηκαν στη διάρκεια μιας μυστικής επιχείρησης των πανικοβλημένων αξιωματικών της Στάζι, μετά την πτώση του Τείχους του Βερολίνου το 1989. Οι αξιωματικοί πήραν διαταγή να καταστρέψουν τα αρχεία και να τα βάλουν σε σάκους για να τα κάψουν, αλλά λόγω των κακών μηχανημάτων που είχαν στη διάθεσή τους και τα οποία κατέρρευσαν από το φόρτο των εγγράφων, αναγκάστηκαν τελικά να τα καταστρέψουν σκίζοντάς τα με τα ίδια τους τα χέρια. Ολα τα χαρτιά βρέθηκαν μέσα σε σάκους στο υπόγειο των κεντρικών γραφείων της Στάζι.

 

Αν η εργασία γινόταν χειρωνακτικά, η αποκατάσταση των έγγραφων θα ολοκληρωνόταν το...2396 «το νωρίτερο», σύμφωνα με υπολογισμούς μεταξύ σοβαρού και αστείου. Τώρα όμως, οι εργαζόμενοι της υπηρεσίας που έχουν αρχίσει το έργο της συναρμολόγησης εχουν πολύ ευκολότερο έργο: παίρνουν το κάθε χαρτί, το σιδερώνουν, το σκανάρουν και κατόπιν το περνούν στον ηλεκτρονικό υπολογιστή για ανάλυση. Το σχήμα, το χρώμα, το πάχος και η υφή του κειμένου αναλύονται σε τέτοιο βαθμό από το «E-Puzzler» που τελικά καθίσταται εφικτή η ανασύσταση ενός εγγράφου.

 

Ο επικεφαλής της όλης δουλειάς Μπέρτραμ Νικολάι, οποίος εργάζεται εδώ και μια δεκαετία στο εξαιρετικά φιλόδοξο σχέδιο να έρθει στο φως αυτό το απέραντο βασίλειο του χαφιεδισμού, τονίζει πως όταν ολοκληρωθούν οι εργασίες αποκατάστασης των έγγραφων, θα αποκαλύφθούν πολλές από τις βρώμικες δραστηριότητες περίπου 175.000 ανεπίσημων συνεργατών της Στάζι, αλλά και σε αυτές των περίπου 17 εκατομμυρίων ατόμων που βρίσκονταν υπό μυστική παρακολούθηση.

 

Η Στάζι, εκτός από τους πληροφοριοδότες, απασχολούσε και 91.000 «επίσημους» πράκτορες.

Εκατομμύρια κρατούμενοι στα κινεζικά «γκουλάγκ»


Εκατομμύρια κρατούμενοι στα κινεζικά «γκουλάγκ»

Το Βήμα 12/09/2012

Ο θεσμός επανήλθε στο φως της δημοσιότητας εξαιτίας της θλιβερής ιστορίας του περασμένου μήνα στην επαρχία Χουνάν
Στην Δύση είναι πιο γνωστά με το παλιό τους σοβιετικό όνομα «Γκουλάγκ», αλλά στην Κίνα ονομάζονται «Λαογκάι»: ο λόγος για τα στρατόπεδα «αναμόρφωσης διά της εργασίας», που λειτουργούν μέχρι και σήμερα στην Κίνα με εκατομμύρια «τροφίμους»- παρά τις έντονες κριτικές από κινήματα πολιτών της χώρας και διεθνείς οργανώσεις, που ασκούν πιέσεις στις κινεζικές αρχές να δοκιμάσουν άλλες μορφές ηπιότερες μορφές τιμωρίας.

 
Ο θεσμός των κινέζικων γκουλάγκ επανήλθε στο φως της δημοσιότητας εξαιτίας της θλιβερής ιστορίας που εκτυλίχθηκε τον περασμένο μήνα στην επαρχία Χουνάν. Η Τανγκ Χούι, μια μητέρα που η κόρη της έπεσε θύμα βιασμού σε ηλικία 11 ετών και υποχρεώθηκε να εκδίδεται, ζητούσε επίμονα από τις Αρχές την αυστηρότερη τιμωρία των ενόχων, ανάμεσα στους οποίους ήταν και κάποιοι αστυνομικοί. Η επιμονή της όμως της στοίχισε ακριβά, καθώς καταδικάστηκε σε 18μηνο εγκλεισμό σε στρατόπεδο καταναγκαστικής εργασίας για «διατάραξη της δημόσιας τάξης» και επειδή άσκησε «αρνητική επιρροή στην κοινωνία»! Η απόφαση προκάλεσε θύελλα μεταξύ των Κινέζων χρηστών του Διαδικτύου και κινητοποιήθηκαν εκατοντάδες χιλιάδες υπέρ της θαρραλέας μητέρας, η οποία σύντομα αποφυλακίστηκε.

 

Όπως σημειώνει σε εκτενή της ανταπόκριση από το Πεκίνο η εφημερίδα «Figaro», τα στρατόπεδα αυτά αποτελούν μια ζοφερή μαοϊκή επινόηση, που συνεχίζεται μέχρι και σήμερα. Ο Μάο Τσε Τουνγκ είχε πρωτοεισάγει την «αναμόρφωση διά της εργασίας» το 1957, με σκοπό την αντιμετώπιση και την επανένταξη των μικρό-εγκληματιών και κυρίως των ενοχλητικών αντιφρονούντων - διανοούμενων.

 

Μετά την λήξη της Πολιτιστικής Επανάστασης (1966-1976), ο θεσμός σχεδόν καταργήθηκε, αλλά επανήλθε στη δεκαετία του 1980. Το 2008 καταμετρήθηκαν 350 στρατόπεδα καταναγκαστικής εργασίας και αυτή τη στιγμή τρία με πέντε εκατομμύρια Κινέζοι εκτίουν την ποινή τους σε αυτά. Σύμφωνα με τις επίσημες αναφορές, 50 εκατομμύρια Κινέζοι έχουν περάσει από τα στρατόπεδα από την δημιουργία τους μέχρι και σήμερα. Υπολογίζεται ότι η κινέζική κυβέρνηση κερδίζει 200 εκατομμύρια ευρώ το χρόνο από την εργασία στα στρατόπεδα.

 

Σύμφωνα με τον κανονισμό των Λαογκάι οι κρατούμενοι θα πρέπει να μελετούν τουλάχιστον τρεις ώρες την ημέρα και δεν επιτρέπεται να δουλεύουν πάνω από έξι ώρες ημερησίως. Η πραγματικότητα όμως είναι πολύ διαφορετική, σύμφωνα με το δημοσίευμα του φιλελεύθερου περιοδικού της Νότιας Κίνας «Νανφένγκ Σουάνγκ», οι κατάδικοι εργάζονται 76,5 ώρες την εβδομάδα και στο διάστημα αυτό η «εκπαίδευσή» τους δεν διαρκεί πάνω από τέσσερις ώρες μέσα σε αυτό το διάστημα.. Οι εργασίες που αναλαμβάνουν οι κρατούμενοι ποικίλουν, από απλές χειροτεχνικές εργασίες μέχρι βαριές σωματικές δουλειές, ανάλογα με τις ικανότητες τους.

 

Από κατασταλτικής πλευράς, το σύστημα είναι τέλειο, αφού επιτρέπει τον εγκλεισμό κάποιου για διάστημα που μπορεί να φτάσει τα τέσσερα χρόνια χωρίς δίκη ούτε δυνατότητα προσφυγής σε δικηγόρο. Με άλλα λόγια, στην Κίνα μια υπογραφή αρκεί για να σε στείλει πίσω από τα κάγκελα. Και οι περιπτώσεις αυτές δεν είναι σπάνιες.

 

Χαρακτηριστικό παράδειγμα, η περίπτωση του Πενγκ Χονγκ, του 35χρονου Κινέζου που καταδικάστηκε το 2009 σε δύο χρόνια φυλάκισης σε στρατόπεδο καταναγκαστικής εργασίας γιατί δημοσίευσε στο διαδίκτυο χιουμοριστικό σχόλιο για μια γελοιογραφία με τον Γουέν Κιανγκ, πρώην αρχηγός της κινεζικής Αστυνομίας. Ο τελευταίος ένα χρόνο αργότερα καταδικάστηκε σε θανατική ποινή με την κατηγορία ότι χρηματίζονταν με τεράστια ποσά από εγκληματικές συμμορίες. Ο Πενγκ Χονγκ βέβαια εξέτισε την ποινή του μέχρι τον Σεπτέμβριο του 2011, με μείωση της ποινής μόνο κατά 33 ημέρες.

 

Αξίζει να σημειωθεί και η περίπτωση του Τζιέ Γκουομπίνγκ που καταδικάστηκε σε φυλάκιση 37 ημερών γιατί διαμαρτυρήθηκε εντόνως για την αναγκαστική έξωση από το σπίτι του, που επρόκειτο να κατεδαφιστεί από τις αρχές χωρίς να του δοθεί η παραμικρή αποζημίωση. Μετά το πέρας των 37 ημερών, στη διάρκεια των οποίων δεν είχε ούτε το δικαίωμα επίσκεψης από την γυναίκα και τα παιδιά του, μεταφέρθηκε σε στρατόπεδο καταναγκαστικής εργασίας.

 

Το κίνημα των κινέζων πολιτών που απαιτούν ουσιαστική μεταρρύθμιση του ποινικού κώδικά μεγαλώνει συνεχώς. Παρά την απελευθέρωση της Τανγκ Χούι, το κύμα της αγανάκτησης συνεχίστηκε. Δέκα γνωστοί και στρατευμένοι δικηγόροι έστειλαν ανοικτή επιστολή στο υπουργείο Δικαιοσύνης ζητώντας διαφάνεια στο ποινικό σύστημα, ενώ το επίσημο πρακτορείο ειδήσεων Νέα Κίνα, δημοσίευσε μια δημοσκόπηση στο διαδίκτυο σύμφωνα με την οποία το 87% των ερωτηθέντων επιθυμεί την κατάργηση των στρατοπέδων.

 

Οι κινεζικές αρχές φαίνεται ότι έλαβαν το μήνυμα καθώς «πιλοτικά προγράμματα» ξεκίνησαν να εφαρμόζονται σε τέσσερις μεγάλες πόλεις της χώρας, ενώ ταυτόχρονα εξετάζεται ένα «σύστημα εκπαίδευσης και διόρθωσης αδικημάτων». Η αστυνομία δεν θα αποφασίζει πλέον μόνη της την ποινή που θα επιβάλλεται για κάθε έγκλημα, ενώ ορισμένοι καταδικασθέντες θα έχουν τη δυνατότητα να αναμορφώνονται παραμένοντας εντός της κοινότητας τους.

 

Σύμφωνα με τον δικηγόρο Λι Φανγκπίνγκ, έναν εκ των δέκα που υπέγραψαν την επιστολή: «Μπορούμε να παρατηρήσουμε μια απόπειρα ελάφρυνσης του θεσμού της καταναγκαστικής εργασίας. Η πλήρης απώλεια της ελευθερία μετατρέπεται σε περιορισμό της ελευθερίας και αυτό είναι σημαντική πρόοδος».

Σάββατο, 14 Φεβρουαρίου 2015

Neal Ascherson, “Bloodlands


Neal Ascherson, “Bloodlands: Europe Between Hitler and Stalin by Timothy Snyder – review”, The Guardian, October 9, 2010.       

Neal Ascherson on why Auschwitz and Siberia are only half the story
 
The history of modern Europe, and especially of its fearsome 20th century, is like that field: unsteady under the scholar's foot. Forgotten stuff works its way to the surface. Some historians use metal-detectors to snatch out something flashy. Others do patient archaeology, relating the tiniest object in each stratum to its context. Snyder is the second kind.

In this book, he seems to have set himself three labours. The first was to bring together the enormous mass of fresh research – some of it his own – into Soviet and Nazi killing, and produce something like a final and definitive account. (Since the fall of communism, archives have continued to open and witnesses – Polish, Ukrainian, Belarussian especially – have continued to break silence.) But Snyder's second job was to limit his own scope, by subject and by place. He is not writing about the fate of soldiers or bombing victims in the second world war, and neither is he confining himself to the Jewish Holocaust. His subject is the deliberate mass murder of civilians – Jewish and non-Jewish – in a particular zone of Europe in a particular time-frame.

The time is between about 1930 – the start of the second Ukraine famine – and 1945. The zone is the territory that lies between central Poland and, roughly, the Russian border, covering eastern Poland, Ukraine, Belarus and the Baltic republics. Snyder's "Bloodlands" label is jarring, a title those beautiful lands and those who now live there do not deserve. But it's true that in those years and in those places, the unimaginable total of 14 million innocent human beings, most of them women and children, were shot, gassed or intentionally starved to death.

Snyder's third aim is to correct, radically, the way we remember what happened. To start with, the public in western countries still tends to associate mass killing with "Nazi concentration camps", and with Auschwitz in particular. Stalin is thought to have killed far more people than the Nazis by consigning millions to the gulag. But neither assumption is accurate.

In the Soviet Union, it now appears that, although about a million men and women perished in the labour camps, nine out of 10 gulag prisoners survived. Stalin's great killing took place not in Siberia, but in the western Soviet republics, above all in Ukraine where in the 30s at least four million people died in man-made famines and in the slaughter of the "kulak" peasantry.

In the concentration camps of the Third Reich, a million prisoners died miserable deaths during the Nazi period. But 10 million others who never entered those camps were shot (mostly Jews), deliberately starved to death (mostly Soviet prisoners of war) or gassed in special "killing centres" which were not holding camps at all. At Auschwitz, the overwhelming majority of Jews were taken straight to the gas chambers on arrival. And Auschwitz, terrible as it was, formed a sort of coda to the Jewish Holocaust. By the time the main gas chambers came on line in 1943, most of Europe's Jewish victims were already dead.

Some – the Polish Jews especially – had been gassed in the three killing centres set up on Polish territory: Belzec, Sobibor and Treblinka. But most had been shot and pitched into mass graves by German police units operating far to the east in Ukraine, the Baltics and Belarus, the Einsatzgruppen who moved from village to village behind the front lines of war.

Snyder shows convincingly how the Holocaust emerged. Up to the German invasion of the Soviet Union in June 1941, Hitler's thinking was still about deportation: when the USSR was conquered, all Jews would be driven into its vast wildernesses to labour and die of hunger and disease. But Himmler, impatient, sent in the Einsatzgruppen on the heels of the advancing army to begin the slaughter. By the end of 1941, they had shot a million Soviet Jews.

In December 1941, when the Red Army finally halted the Wehrmacht outside Moscow, Nazi policy changed. Without the conquest of Soviet space, deportation was impossible. So the decision was taken to solve the whole remaining "Jewish problem" by mass murder. As Snyder puts it, "the final solution as mass killing 'was spreading to the west.'" But there more "modern" methods were adopted. The three gassing centres built in occupied Poland, followed by another at Auschwitz-Birkenau, were designed to exterminate the entire Jewish population of Europe west of the old Polish-Soviet frontier. East of that line, in the lands where most of Europe's Jews had once lived, the job had already been done by the firing-squads.

All this modifies our view of this appalling period. The British, who liberated Belsen, at first located the slaughter in "the concentration camps". Later, as knowledge of Auschwitz spread, came the image of "impersonal" industrialised killing. Now it becomes clearer that at least half the killing was anything but industrialised; it was done by individual human beings aiming their guns at other naked and helpless human beings.

Snyder reinforces this by aligning the Holocaust with the fate of the Soviet prisoners of war. Herded into enormous wired enclosures with little or no food or shelter, they were intentionally left to die. In German-occupied Poland alone, half a million Soviet prisoners starved to death. Counting the hunger victims in besieged Leningrad, this most primitive method of mass killing took something like four million lives in the course of the war.

Snyder insists that the colossal atrocities in his "bloodlands" have to be set inside a single historical frame. To look at them separately – for instance, to see Hitler's crimes as "so great as to stand outside history", or Stalin's as a monstrous device to achieve modernisation – is to let the two dictators "define their own works for us". This, too, is quaggy ground for historians. In the cold war and afterwards, claims that "Stalin was worse than Hitler", or that "communism and fascism come to the same thing", generated more heat than light. But Snyder doesn't fall into such holes. He is saying that both tyrants identified this luckless strip of Europe as the place where, above all, they must impose their will or see their gigantic visions falter.

For Stalin, it was in Ukraine that "Soviet construction" would succeed or fail; its food supplies must be wrested from the peasantry by collectivisation and terror. And foreign influence – which meant above all Polish – must be flamed out of the western borderlands. (Snyder reveals the little-known fact that the Polish minority were the main ethnic victims of the great terror between 1937 and 1938: well over 100,000 were shot for fictitious "espionage".)

This book's unforgettable account of the Ukraine famine shows conclusively that Stalin knew what was happening in the countryside and chose to let it run its course (some 3 million died). For Hitler, too, seizing Ukraine and its produce for Germany was crucial for his new empire. So was smashing Polish identity. Between them, Germany and the Soviet Union tried to behead the nation's elite by murdering 200,000 Poles in the first 21 months of the war.

The figures are so huge and so awful that grief could grow numb. But Snyder, who is a noble writer as well as a great researcher, knows that. He asks us not to think in those round numbers. "It is perhaps easier to think of 780,863 different people at Treblinka: where the three at the end might be Tamara and Itta Willenberg, whose clothes clung together after they were gassed, and Ruth Dorfmann, who was able to cry with the man who cut her hair before she entered the gas chamber." The Nazi and Soviet regimes turned people into numbers. "It is for us as humanists to turn the numbers back into people."

Κυριακή, 8 Φεβρουαρίου 2015

Choi Song Min, "Harsh Punishments for Poor Mourning"


Choi Song Min,  «Harsh Punishments for Poor Mourning», Daily NK  01-11-2012.

The North Korean authorities have completed the criticism sessions which began after the mourning period for Kim Jong Il and begun to punish those who transgressed during the highly orchestrated mourning events. Daily NK learned from a source from North Hamkyung Province on January 10th, “The authorities are handing down at least six months in a labor-training camp to anybody who didn’t participate in the organized gatherings during the mourning period, or who did participate but didn’t cry and didn't seem genuine.”

Furthermore, the source added that people who are accused of circulating rumors criticizing the country’s 3rd generation dynastic system are also being sent to re-education camps or being banished with their families to remote rural areas. Daily NK earlier reported news that criticism sessions were being held at all levels of industry, in enterprises and by local people’s units starting on December 29th, the last day of the mourning period. A source said at the time that the central authorities had ordered the sessions to be completed by January 8th.

The North Hamkyung source commented of the sessions that they "created a vicious atmosphere of fear, causing people to accuse ‘that young upstart’ (Kim Jong Eun) of preying on the people now that he has taken power." Along with criticism sessions, the authorities also turned up the heat on efforts to idolize Kim Jong Eun immediately after the mourning period ended, something which has yet to let up. “Every day from 7am until 7pm they have vehicles for broadcast propaganda parked on busy roads full of people going to and from work, noisily working to proclaim Kim Jong Eun’s greatness,” the source explained.

The intense propaganda is said to be taking its toll on the people as well, with the source commenting, “People in factories and schools, regional and ward Party members, members of the Youth League and the Union of Democratic Women are all being made to study the Joint New Year’s Editorial and the greatness of Kim Jong Eun in the morning and afternoon, with the sessions packed so tightly together without a break that people are just exhausted.”

The source even revealed that public trials are being employed without regard for the frigid weather to judge people who attempted to leave North Korea during the mourning period, either to defect or to smuggle, as well as those discovered using mobile phones to make calls out. While it has not been possible to verify the public trial claim, earlier the authorities did order the military to shoot anyone who attempted to defect during the mourning period and eliminate their family, so it would not be surprising. The source agreed with earlier testimony stating that while it is usually possible to escape punishment during such crackdowns with bribes, it is much more difficult to do so now.

Τρίτη, 3 Φεβρουαρίου 2015

Visar Zhiti: Po tentojnë ta zhbëjnë letërsinë e burgjeve


Oliverta Lila: “Visar Zhiti: Po tentojnë ta zhbëjnë letërsinë e burgjeve”, Shqip 17/11/2010.


Shkrimtari ka promovuar në Panairin e Librit “Panteoni i nëndheshëm ose letërsi e ndaluar”, botuar nga “Omsca-1”. Zhiti sjell një dëshmi të ekzistencës së letërsisë së burgjeve, por edhe një akuzë për nënvlerësim të saj
“Letërsia e burgut është nënvlerësuar ose është dashur të zhbëhet”. Kështu thotë Visar Zhiti kur tregon pse vendosi të shkruajë librin e tij “Panteoni i nëndheshëm ose letërsi e ndaluar”, botuar nga “Omsca-1”.

Shkrimtari thotë se është një dëshmi që letërsia e burgjeve ka ekzistuar, ndonëse nga ana tjetër është edhe një akuzë për indiferentizëm ndaj atyre që shkruajnë në kushte të errëta. Botuesi i “Omsca -1”, Luan Pengli, thotë se do ta ribotojnë librin, sepse tirazhi i parë është mbaruar gjatë panairit, ndërkohë që këtë rast Zhiti do ta shfrytëzojë për të bërë një epilog mbyllës, ku të reflektohet reagimi pas botimit të librit.
“Panteoni i nëndheshëm ose letërsi e ndaluar” vjen si dëshmi, por njëkohësisht edhe si akuzë. Ishte koha për të thënë të vërtetat?

Shpeshherë, në përditshmërinë tonë duket sikur çdo gjë është në vendin e vet. Në fakt jo. Unë e nisa këtë libër, edhe sepse pata ndjesinë që kjo letërsi e burgut duhet mbrojtur nga nëpërkëmbjet dhe nënvlerësimet. Shpesh është dëshiruar të zhbëhet. Ky libër është dëshmi e ekzistencës së saj. Në realitet ka një letërsi që vjen nga burgjet dhe nga dënimet. Mendova se doja të sensibilizoja sa të ishte e mundur shoqërinë tonë, që kemi një letërsi të cilën duhet ta njohim e që na bën nder.
Është një dënim i dytë i kësaj letërsie?

Atëherë kur shkruhej ishte e fshehtë dhe e ndaluar. Ekzistenca e saj thuajse nuk dihej ose njihej në një rreth shumë të ngushtë miqsh. Gjatë këtyre 20 viteve, kjo letërsi pati fatin të dilte, të bëhej e njohur, por fatkeqësisht edhe u godit. U godit në dy kahe: duke e glorifikuar, duke e bërë të rëndësishme e të madhe, ose duke e denigruar, duke mos e quajtur.

Që të dyja janë të dëmshme. Në mënyrë teorike kjo është një letërsi e shkëputur nga trungu i kulturës së përgjithshme. Nuk vjen të rrëzojë e të prishë atë që është bërë, thjesht të sjellë vetveten, dëshminë se ka qenë. Nuk është as letërsi e shkrimtarëve profesionistë, por e shkrimtarëve që u dënuan të mos bëhen shkrimtarë dhe bënë aktin e madh që shkruan. Së pari, ata kanë meritën e martirizimit, sepse shkruan në kushtet më të errëta, në kushtet e ndaluara. Kjo tregon se njeriu është i paasgjësueshëm në dëshirën e vet, prandaj ne duhet ta çmojmë.
A duhet parë si vlerë letrare meqenëse shkruhej jashtë ndikimit të metodës së realizmit socialist?

Natyrisht, diçka është bërë në këtë drejtim. Ky libër i imi është në vazhdim të kësaj përpjekje. Ne patëm mbi krye metodën e realizmit socialist, një metodë letrare e ushqyer që i shërbeu aq sa mundi sistemit socialist. Me ndryshimin e regjimit, ajo letërsi e metodës së realizmit socialist e mbaroi funksionin e saj dhe shkoi drejt zhbërjes.

Por krahas saj kishte dhe letërsi të realizmit të dënuar. Ky term është kristalizuar tek unë për atë letërsi që u pengua të dilte, që u dënua në autorë dhe libra. Franc Kafka, shkrimtari më i zymtë i shekullit të tij, që bëri të dukej sikur nuk qe i interesuar për realitetin e përditshëm, thotë: “Letërsitë e mëdha gjithnjë kanë brenda të vërtetën dhe nderin”. Qëllimi i jetës është t’i zbulojmë ato e t’i njohim.
Vetëm pak ditë më parë, ju ishit të ftuar në një aktivitet që PEN-i italian ua ka kushtuar shkrimtarëve të burgosur. Cila ishte përvoja botërore në trajtimin e tyre?

Ishte një takim ndërkombëtar që PEN Club-i italian organizoi me shkrimtarë nga e gjithë bota. U diskutua për fjalën e lirë: si ka qenë, si është dhe cili duhet të jetë angazhimi i PEN Club-it që është krijuar me qëllimin e mbrojtjes së shkrimtarëve në kohë shtypjeje. Pjesë e kësaj veprimtarie ishte edhe botimi i një libri me disa autorë, që kanë pasur përvojën e burgut apo që flisnin për burgun. Antologjia, me parathënie të Umberto Eco-s, pati shumë jehonë në shtypin italian.

Pjesë e kësaj antologjie ishte edhe parathënia që Ismail Kadare ka shkruar për dy poetët e ekzekutuar Genc Leka dhe Vilson Blloshmin, si dhe mbresat e impresionet nga burgu im dhe i tim eti. Më bëri përshtypje që vuajtja e tjetrit nuk shihej si e huaj, por si pjesë e vuajtjes intelektuale që duhet t’i përgjigjemi. Atje goditej indiferentizmi, ndërsa te ne të qenët indiferent ndaj dhimbjes së tjetrit është shumë e njohur. Një kritik i njohur italian theksoi në këtë takim se duhet të kujtojmë që shkrimtarët nuk i kanë burgosur policët, por edhe kolegët e tyre.

 Ky apel për të qenë të përgjegjshëm, që të dimë të kujtojmë, të shohim dhe të dënojmë moralisht, m’u duk një problematikë me vlerë dhe me interes për shoqërinë tonë. Duhet të dimë të shohim mëkatin tonë, ndryshe nuk mund të ecim përpara. Ne kemi shkrimtarë të burgosur që nuk kanë shtëpi, që nuk kanë copën e bukës. Shoqëria duhet të jetë e përgjegjshme për ta. Janë shkrimtarë që kanë derdhur djersë në punë të detyruara dhe dëmshpërblimi nuk duhet të vonojë. Po vjen vdekja më shumë se dëmshpërblimi. Ne të gjithë shkojmë sot në aeroportin “Nënë Tereza” për të udhëtuar drejt botës, por askush nuk kujton se është bërë me të burgosurit politikë.

 Aty ka punuar Jusuf Vrioni dhe nuk ka qoftë një pllakë memoriale ku të thotë se ky aeroport nisi me të burgosurit tanë politik dhe ëndrra e tyre për një Shqipëri pa kufij u realizua. Shqiptarët ia arritën të dalin pa viza në Europë dhe kjo është një festë e madhe, por duhet të dimë se si erdhi. Përpjekja nuk filloi në këto 20 vjetët e fundit, është punë e errët e atyre njerëzve që vdiqën nën tokë, e atyre që krijuan nën tokë.
Botuesi i “OMSCA-1”, Luan Pengli, thotë se libri do të ribotohet pasi tirazhi i parë ka mbaruar. Do të ketë ndonjë ndërhyrje tjetër?
Botuesi po mendon ribotimin dhe unë kam menduar një epilog të shkurtër, ku të përfshi mesazhet që kam marrë pas publikimit, problematika që u krijua, më kanë dhënë dëshirën të shprehem më qartë për atë që e quajta realizëm të dënuar.